The Demise of Authentic Conservatism
The
true conservative is among the damned, not just for what we find
objectionable in their beliefs, but perhaps more so, those aspects
that ring true. No progressive person wants to read or hear paeans to
inequality and authoritarianism, but even less so, do present day
self-styled conservatives wish to hear criticism of their tin god
capitalism. So the authentic conservative is double-damned – by the
left who sees only the vicious aspects and by their self-styled
adherents.
Conservatism,
let me remind you, grew out of a reaction against many of the ideas
and practices of the 18th Century Enlightenment and the
subsequent development of liberal capitalism. Some of these views
were reactionary; a fear of democracy and the masses, of 'too much
freedom'. But their critique could not be reduced to just reaction.
The conservatives could see the destructiveness of capitalism and
the ideological dogmatism and coarse inhumanity of its proponents.
They railed against a society that was only concerned with money and
was destructive of community and traditions. George Grant, a Canadian
conservative philosopher, laid out the conservatives dilemma and a
possible solution;
“The
truth of conservatism is the truth of order and limit, both in social
and personal life. But conservatism by itself will not do. For it can
say nothing about the overcoming of evil... Yet to express
conservatism in Canada means de facto to justify the... right of the
greedy... Their economic policy has been the denial of order and
form... they stand condemned for their denial of the law. Thus it is
almost impossible to express the truth of conservatism in our society
without seeming to justify capitalism. To avoid this, a careful
theory is needed in which the idea of limit includes within itself a
doctrine of history as the sphere for the overcoming of evil” pps,
108,109, George Grant, Philosophy in A Mass Age, Copp Clark, 1959
Critique
of Rationalism
A
central element of the conservative outlook is the skeptical denial
that a political philosophy of that universal and rationalist sort
can be anything other than an illusion. p. 47, John Gray, Beyond the
New Right, Routledge, 1993 The Rationalist is obsessed with technique
because of a desire for certainty. p. 111, Rationalism effects
politics more than any area. Its politics seeks uniformity and is
highly ideological (the politics of the book) p. 112. But its
incompetence increases as it destroys the only knowledge which could
save it – practical knowledge. p. 113, Paul Franco, The Political
Philosophy of Micheal Oakshott, Yale, 1990
For
Oakshott, there are two types of knowledge. One is technical
knowledge gleaned from books, the other is practical or
traditional knowledge which exists only in use and is not formulated
in rules. This knowledge is similar to Polyani's 'tacit knowledge'.
Oakshott says that Rationalism denies the validity of practical
knowledge. p. 110, Paul Franco, The Political Philosophy of Micheal
Oakshott, Yale, 1990
The
remaking of the world by a simplistic doctrine derived from political
economy and an ethics based upon utilitarian and nationalist
principles is the outcome of capitalist rationalism. This doctrine
sweeps away the wisdom of the past and with it “ a sense of man's
limitations... is the necessary correlative against megalomaniac
efforts to remake the world by force.” The late 19th Century
“ethical revolution replaced both individual and universal ethics
with national ethics.” The misuse of Darwin gave this ruthlessness
a scientific gloss. p. 80, 82, Peter Viereck, Shame and Glory of The
Intellectuals, Beacon Press, 1953
The
liberal rationalist concept of society is an aggregate of
individuals, or as an infamous anti-conservative female British Prime
Minster once snorted, “There is no such thing as society!” The
essential conservative view is that society is a kind of organism in
which everyone plays a role. Let's see what Edmund Burke said; “A
nation is not... a momentary aggregation, but it is an idea of
continuity... a deliberate election of the ages and generations...
made by the peculiar circumstances, occasions, tempers, dispositions,
and moral, civil and social habits of the people...” Edmund Burke,
p. 30, Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976 As
Raymond Williams points out on the same page, Burke “established
the idea of what has been called an 'organic society' , where the
emphasis is on the interrelation and continuity of human activities
rather than on separation...” Enlightenment critic, and otherwise
thorough-going reactionary, Joseph DeMaistre rejected its
individualism. For him society was not a collection of individuals
united by a social contract, but part of an organic unity. Pps 3,
4, Copelston, History of Philosophy, Vol IX
Modern
conservative Roger Scruton, “A society or a nation is a kind of
organism [my italics, LG] (and also very much more than an
organism.)” p. 21, The individual exists and acts not in
isolation, but “only because he can first identify himself as
something greater, as a member of society...” p. 34, “Conservatism
arises directly from the sense that one belongs to some continuing,
and pre-existing social order, and that this fact is all important in
determining what to do. The 'order' may be a club, class, community,
society, community, church... In so far as people love life, they
will love what has given them life...” p. 21, Roger Scruton, The
Meaning of Conservatism, MacMillan, 1984
Another
modern conservative, John Gray; “Among conservatives... market
exchange and rational argument are... necessary conditions of their
way of life. They are not the whole of that way of life that they
inherit, and they cannot hope to flourish or survive, if the common
culture of liberty and responsibility is eroded... p. 53, “Liberal
individualism... with society as a contract among strangers is a one
generation philosophy... we are au fond social and
historical creatures...” p. 136 John Gray, Beyond the New Right,
Routledge, 1993
The
morality of Rationalists is one of “moral ideals.” But these
ideals are not independent and self-contained, but rooted in a
religious or social tradition. By destroying these, the Rationalists
have “destroyed the only living root of moral behaviour.” p. 114,
Paul Franco, The Political Philosophy of Micheal Oakshott, Yale, 1990
A good point is made here, ethics do grow from, and are
maintained by, society and when you try to impose a different ethic
from outside, you have conflict. (think of Prohibition) The
destruction of community by Rationalist capitalism has certainly
undermined ethics, as people have no higher calling than to shop.
The problem is Oakshott's use of the singular. There is
not 'tradition' but traditions.
Capitalist
rationalism has had a very detrimental effect upon education. As
opposed to the Utilitarian concept of education which involved
training to carry out a task, S. T. Coleridge and Matthew Arnold saw;
“the harmonious development of those qualities and faculties that
characterize our humanity.” p. 121, Raymond Williams, Culture and
Society, Penguin, 1976 Coleridge's critique - “Against mechanism,
the amassing of fortunes and... utility as the source of value, it
offered a different and superior social ideal... the harmonious
development of those qualities and faculties that characterize our
humanity.” p. 77, Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin,
1976 By rejecting the broad humanistic culture proposed by these
critics we have, in the 21st Century ended up with a host
of technically well trained barbarians. (No wonder Trump!)
Suspicion
of Ideology
Conservatives
in their distrust of capitalist rationalism, very naturally looked
askance at ideology. What agitated them was doctrinalism, abstraction
(one size fits all) and again the complete rejection of methods and
ideas rooted in history and communities. “Violent indignation with
the past, abstract systems of renovation applied wholesale, a new
doctrine drawn up in black and white for elaborating down to the
smallest details a rational society of the future – these are the
ways of Jacobinism.” Matthew Arnold, p. 128, Raymond Williams,
Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976
But
ideology was not to be rejected in total. It is useful in “giving
sharpness of outline.” but not enough for conducting activities,
for this you need tradition. With ideology, society and its aspects
appear like bits of machinery to be moved around at will. p. 131,
Paul Franco, The Political Philosophy of Micheal Oakshott, Yale, 1990
“Conservatism does not normally exhibit itself as a 'position' or
system of ideas, but remains implicit, unarticulated, relying on
various understandings and intuitions upon which an actual
civilization is based...” p. 26, Jeffery Hart, The American
Dissent, Doubleday, 1966.
Taken
to its logical extreme ideology, leads to terrorist regimes. “From
the idea of possessing the ultimate truth there follows eventually
not only the idea of justification, but the necessity of self-deceit
and of persecution and terror in order to make the idea finally
prevail” Karl Dietrich Brachter, in Bruce Lawrence, Defenders of
God, p. 72
Natural
Law
The
conservative sees ethics and practices rooted in Natural Law.
Depending on whether the given conservative is a theist or not, this
law will come either from God or Nature. We have seen in the earlier
chapter dealing with ethics, that the ethical grows out of existence.
Ethics do not come from outside existence, nor do we create them in
some Utilitarian or Social Contract fashion. Hence we can give
credence to the concept of Natural Law.
“The
assumption [behind natural law] is that the universe is a cosmos and
not a chaos.” p. 29, “In natural law theory, it is clear that man
is not finally responsible for what happens in the world.” p. 39,
George Grant, Philosophy in A Mass Age, Copp Clark, 1959“The theory
of natural law is the assertion that there is an order in the
universe and that right action... consists in attuning ourselves to
that order. It is the most influential theory of morality in the
history of the human race... only in the last two hundred years has
it ceased to be the generally assumed theory from which moral
judgment proceeds. It is popular to speak of a crisis in our
standards and values. This... arises above all from the fact that
the doctrine of natural law no longer hold the minds of modern men,
and no alternative theory has its universal power. George Grant,
Philosophy in A Mass Age, Copp Clark, 1959 “A law is only a law
when it is a just law, mirroring the divine law of justice.” 34,
George Grant, Philosophy in A Mass Age, Copp Clark, 1959
What
Grant says is very true. In the 20th century Natural Law
was replaced by the Law of Power or statute law. Any group could
cobble together a majority in Parliament and force its prejudices or
misguided ideas of reform upon the populace. Practices deemed
innocuous, or at worst minor sins, such as the consumption of alcohol
or smoking cannabis, got the full force of the Law of Power.
Political groups like the socialists, left alone in the 19th
Century, were persecuted using statute law in the 20th.
And just try building a house on your own and ignoring the plethora
of bylaws, none of which existed 100 years ago. The flaw in the
conservative view of Natural Law, is of course, deciding what is
'natural.” The argument from nature (“unnatural practices) was
long used to oppress women and gay people.
Critique
of Capitalism
Conservatives
see a need for a market economy, but the economy is there to serve a
function. The economy should serve society and society is not there
to serve the economy. Hence, conservatives have been among the
harshest critics of the effects of capitalism.
Robert
Southey, poet and conservative; “The immediate effect of the
manufacturing system...is to produce physical and moral evil, in
proportion to the wealth it creates.... the poverty of one part of
the people seems to increase in the same ratio as the riches of
another.” p. 41, Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin,
1976 Southey supported Robert Owen's idea of cooperative communities
as a way of overcoming the destructive nature of capitalism. p. 43,
Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976
Samuel
Taylor Coleridge, “Has the national welfare... advanced with
circumstantial prosperity? Is the increasing number of wealthy
individuals that which ought to be understood by the wealth of
nations.” Samuel Taylor Coleridge, p. 72, Raymond Williams,
Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976 “It is not uncommon for 100,000
operatives (mark this word, for words in this sense
are things.) to be out of employment at once in the cotton districts,
and thrown on parochial relief, to be dependent upon hard hearted
taskmasters for food. If when you say to a man... [according to
Malthus] 'You must starve. You came into the world when it could not
sustain you'. What would be this man's answer? 'You may disclaim all
connection with me... I can then have no duties to you, and this
pistol shall put me in possession of your wealth... what man who saw
assured starvation before him, ever feared hanging?' Samuel Taylor
Coleridge, p. 73, Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin,
1976
Crotchety
old Thomas Carlyle; “It is an Age of Machinery, in every outward
and inner sense...Nothing is now done directly or by hand; all is by
rule and calculated contrivance...Mechanism has now struck its roots
into man's most intimate, primary sources of conviction... Religion
is now... grounded on mere calculation... whereby some smaller
quantum of earthly enjoyment may be exchanged for a far larger
quantum of celestial enjoyment. Thus religion too is Profit, a
working for wages... Our... 'superior morality' is properly rather
an 'inferior criminality' , produced not by a great love of virtue,
but by the greater perfection of the Police, and of that far subtler
and stronger Police, Public Opinion. In all senses we worship and
follow after Power... no man now loves Truth...” Thomas Carlyle,
pps. 86, 87, Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976
“...with the cash payment as the sole nexus... and there are so
many things that cash will not buy.” Thomas Carlyle, p. 89,
Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976 On the
suffering of the working population - “ That self-cancelling
Donothingism and Laissez-faire should have got so ingrained into our
practice, is the source of all these miseries.” Thomas Carlyle, p.
91, Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976
Carlyle
approves of the popular discontent over the rule of money and the
machine; “Its very unrest, its ceaseless activity, its discontent
contains matter of promise. Knowledge, education are opening the eyes
of the humblest... only in resolute struggling forward does our life
consist...” Thomas Carlyle, p. 88, Raymond Williams, Culture and
Society, Penguin, 1976
Benjamin
Disraeli, one of the founders of the Conservative Party, “... since
the passing of the Reform Act the Altar of Mammon has blazed with
triple worship. To acquire, to accumulate, to plunder each other by
virtue of philosophic phrases... this has been the breathless
business of enfranchised England... until we are startled from our
voracious strife by the wail of intolerable serfage.” Benjamin
Disraeli, from his popular novel, Sybil, or The Two Nations, p. 108,
Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976
“There
is no community in England only aggregation... In great cities men
are brought together by the desire for gain. They are not in a state
of cooperation, but of isolation, as to the making of fortunes, and
for the rest they are careless of neighbors. Christianity teaches us
to love our neighbors as ourselves; modern society acknowledges no
neighbors.” Benjamin Disraeli, p. 109, Raymond Williams, Culture
and Society, Penguin, 1976
Matthew
Arnold on laissez faire capitalist ideology, “... one of the
falsest maxims which ever pandered to human selfishness under the
name of political wisdom... We stand by and let this most unequal
race take its own course, forgetting that the very name of society
implies that it shall not be a mere race, but that its object is to
provide for the common good.” p. 124, Raymond Williams, Culture and
Society, Penguin, 1976
T.
S. Eliot weighs in; “Was our society... assembled around anything
more permanent than congeries of banks, insurance companies, and
industries, and had it any beliefs more essential than a belief in
compound interest and the maintenance of dividends?” T.S. Elliot,
p. 225, Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976 “We
are being made aware that the organization of society on the
principle of private profit, as well as public destruction, is
leading both to the deformation of humanity by unregulated
industrialism and the exhaustion of natural resources, and that a
good deal of our material progress is a progress for which succeeding
generations may have to pay dearly.” T. S. Elliot writing in 1939,
p. 226, Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, Penguin, 1976
For
Micheal Oakshott, capitalism and the state's concentration of power
was a danger to society. “The politics of the diffusion of power
are the only guarantee of the most valuable and substantial freedom
known to human beings.” Concentration of power anywhere is a
threat. p. 144, So too the economy – the widest possible diffusion
of economic power, with property widely distributed and an opposition
to any monopolies. p. 147, Paul Franco, The Political Philosophy of
Micheal Oakshott, Yale, 1990
Roger
Scruton, The features of Modernity which negate satisfaction - “...
mechanization... the division of labour... commodity fetishism.” p.
129, “The world of commodities is a world of ephemera, whereas
man's rational need is to [be] ...part of something lasting...” p.
130. “Alienation is not a condition of society, but the absence of
society.” p. 132, Roger Scruton, The Meaning of Conservatism,
MacMillan, 1984
Scruton goes beyond critique to a demand for the regulation of the economy in the public interest. The rights of property must be limited by law. While property ownership is “central to conservatism” there is “no logical identity between conservatism and capitalism.” p. 94, “The unbridled law of the market breeds monopoly.” p. 111, “... social and political unity take precedence over the free accumulation of property...” Scruton points out that the Factory Acts, the legalization of trade unions and much social welfare were conservative innovations. p. 116, Roger Scruton, The Meaning of Conservatism, MacMillan, 1984 [ For Scruton order is paramount, ultimately this order is through the state.]
John
Gray fears contemporary capitalism with its fetish of cut-backs and
privatization. “We do not want to walk the path of privatization if
Detroit is at the end of it.” p. 60 The market is only one
dimension of society, families, voluntary associations, governments
etc are the others. p. 63, “The good life... necessarily
presupposes embededness in communities.” p. 137, John Gray, Beyond
the New Right, Routledge, 1993
Capitalism
in its contemporary and highly brutal form, which has manifested in
Gray's warning about Detroit, is called neoliberalism. The godfather
of this ideology was Von Hayek. Oakshott sneered at his hypocrisy.
[A plan to end all planning] “is of the same style of politics as
that which it seeks to resist.” p. ix, John Gray, Beyond the New
Right, Routledge, 1993
Decades
before it became popular to speak of the environmental crisis and
global warming, George Grant, writing in 1959,“Surely the twentieth
century has presented us with one question above all: are there
limits to history making? … whether man's domination of nature can
lead to the end of human life on the planet... [or] perhaps by the
slow perversion of the processes of life.” p.78, George Grant,
Philosophy in A Mass Age, Copp Clark, 1959
Policies
and Ultimate Goals
Conservatism
is not reaction according to John Gray, - “A conservative policy...
is not one which seeks to renew old traditions by deliberate
contrivance... it is one which nurtures the common traditions that
are currently shared.” p. 59.John Gray, Beyond the New Right,
Routledge, 1993
For
Gray as well, “Where change is incessant … human beings will not
flourish.” p. 125, John Gray, Beyond the New Right, Routledge, 1993
This is certainly true in a system that is like a giant food
processor, grinding up humans, the environment, traditions and
customs, cultures into a profitable puree. Mental illness in at
epidemic proportions and it is no wonder when nothing is permanent,
and nothing is valued by corporate power. .
There
can be no purity, no utopias. “For a conservative, political life
is a perpetual choice among necessary evils.”, p. 63, John Gray,
Beyond the New Right, Routledge, 1993
George
Grant was sympathetic to socialism – he was after all, a mentor to
the Canadian New Left – but looked beyond its humanistic ends.
While it would be a good thing if socialism's goals of ending
exploitation and freeing the workers was attained, once that was
done, “... [one] could still ask what is the point of it all, what
is the purpose of my existence...It is this truth that is not
satisfied in Marxism.” p. 71, George Grant, Philosophy in A Mass
Age, Copp Clark, 1959
Where
liberal rationalism sees only individuals and their rights, and thus
sometimes ends up enabling the enemies of society in such cases as
“free speech for Nazis,” the conservative thinks about the need
to protect society. “There cannot be freedom of speech... if by
freedom is meant the untrammeled right to say what one wishes...
Freedom should be qualified only by the possibility that someone
might suffer though its exercise.” p. 17, Roger Scruton, The
Meaning of Conservatism, MacMillan, 1984 Scruton is opposed to hate
speech, Holocaust-denial and supports the Race Relations Act.
Other
than a few individuals, there is no conservatism as an organized
tendency today. Conservatives are worse off than anarchists and
syndicalists were in the late 1950s. The tendency is extinct and the
term conservative has been taken over by people whose world view is
the direct opposite of those authors quoted here. Conservatism today
means rabid ideologues for whom the so-called free market and the
corporation are the Alpha and Omega of existence. A sociopathic cult
that has completely rejected the old conservative concept of the
common good. Then there are the “social conservatives.” For these
extremists, the only thing conservative about them is their desire to
impose their religious intolerance, environment plundering,
militarism, white supremacy, misogyny and homophobia upon the rest of
us. These “conservatives” are essentially fascists in jogging
suits not jack boots. There is far more real conservatism in the
Communist Party than either of these pseudo-conservative tendencies.
(You will soon see why below.)
But
the dialectic grinds on and has produced its own miracle baby. The
socialist movement was born in large measure out Enlightenment
Rationalism, and for a long time maintained some of the more odious
practices and beliefs of its parent.
One
of these was the myth of Progress. Everything from the past was worth
chucking out. Pre-capitalist and Aboriginal peoples had nothing to
teach us. Imperialism, though regrettable, was needed to
industrialize the “backward” areas. Micro-businesses, artisans
and small farmers ought to disappear, to be replaced by mechanized
latifundia and socialist department stores. (And if need be, like
Stalin we will MAKE them disappear) Then there was the cult of
centralization and the mega project. Oh, yes, and everything could be
planned from the top down.
Anarchists,
guild socialists and most syndicalists NEVER bought into this, as
did some important socialists like William Morris, Edward Carpenter,
Jose Carlos Mariategui and George Orwell. Nor mostly, did Marx. It
has to be stressed that the anarchists and socialists who rejected
this 'liberal socialism' did not get their ideas from the
conservatives, but came to this position independently, by simply
observing what was occurring in the society around them. In the
English speaking countries, Disraeli and Carlyle were popular writers
who had a considerable working class readership. (Marx took the
phrase 'cash nexus' from Carlyle) Figures such as John Ruskin and
William Cobbett, who in some ways, had a foot in both camps, the
conservative and the socialist, were also widely read. There was some
influence, but it must not be overstated. Better to regard this as a
parallel development of some similar critiques of capitalism and
rationalism without forming any strong linkage between conservatism
and what was essentially libertarian socialism.
The
worst perpetrators of this liberal or rationalist socialism were the
Fabians and the Stalinists. The Fabians were a major influence upon
social democracy, but even then their hold was never total – The
Danish Social Democrats invented both the housing coop and cohousing.
The French Socialists encouraged the growth of mutual aid societies.
There was always a minority tendency within social democracy that did
not glorify centralization and the mega project.
This
liberal socialism certainly raised living standards for the poorest
levels of the population and introduced a number of important social
reforms like public health care. But beyond that, it was not
inspiring, an ever growing list of questions began to be asked, and
the many people once ignored, such as Aboriginal people,
environmentalists and feminists began to be listened to by
radicalized youth. The New Left and the resulting counter-culture was
the negation of the older socialism.
Youth
supported the struggles of the so-called Third World peoples against
imperialism and began to see their ways of being – rooted in
peasant traditions combined with Marxism - as valuable, as struggles
to learn from. The forms of socialism suppressed by the dominant
tendencies like anarchism and syndicalism which never accepted the
ideas of Progress and centralization found new adherents. The
degradation of the environment by both corporate and state capitalism
gave rise to the environmental movement with its appreciation of the
small and the local. Fifteen thousand year old cultures were now
being learned from rather than scorned as 'primitive'. Women
discovered that patriarchy had not been the only way, that other
cultures were more egalitarian both in the past and Aboriginal
cultures. The critique of 'instrumental reason' put forth by the
Frankfurt school, the exploration of the subconscious and repression,
by Reich, Fromm and Marcuse undermined the faith in liberal
Rationalism. Young socialists eagerly reading Kropotkin, Morris,
Raymond Williams and E. P. Thompson discovered the long traditions of
opposition to domination, the ancient striving for mutual aid and
cooperation. Tradition was no longer a dirty word. Neither was the
past.
And
thus, the negation of the negation. But once again, note that this
was a parallel development. Other than George Grant in Canada,
conservative thinkers had no input into the new movement.
Essentially, the synthesis had been made generations previously with
the anarchists and the libertarian socialist minority. It was just
now that 'their time had come.'
Contemporary
leftists – with the exception of Blairite social democrats – who
are really neoliberal corporatists anyway – have all been
influenced to one degree or another by this development. For the left
today, “small is beautiful”, we strive for the local, we love our
farmers markets, push for millennia -old “horizontalism” and
consensus democracy. We work hard to restore community though our
associations, our housing coops, cohousing projects and eco-villages.
We protect the old buildings, the forests and the waters against
the depredations of capitalism. We are suspicious of fanaticism and
dogmatism. (Though sectarians are still with us, unfortunately) We
work for 'better' in the here and now and refuse to sacrifice
generations for some distant utopia that never arrives. We ally with
the Aboriginal peoples struggling to maintain their languages,
cultures and traditions. We fight to to maintain the memory of the
working class struggles and the traditions of the class. We maintain
or revive the ancient traditions of mutual aid and solidarity. To go
forward, we must also go back. We are the conservers. We are the ones
with the long view.