A Response to State Terrorism in Toronto

Six hundred arrests and half a dozen journalists have been assaulted. The excuse given for this brutality being the actions of a handful of Black Blockers. If the BB was the issue why the arrests and beatings of peaceful demonstrators? Why the assault on the media? There are two possible answers. One is that the Harpocrit wants to rationalize his squandering a billion on "security", especially at a time when he is demanding cut-backs. The other is an attempt to show to the populace what the state can really do if the people step out of line, that the velvet glove is off and Canada is as thuggish as any other country. (Of course, the First Nations knew that all along!)

A lot of effort and money will have to be spent defending the 600, even though the vast majority of charges are bogus. This is another tactic favoured by a repressive state – keep 'em tied up in court, whether the charges stick or not.

But the result will not be to drive people into passivity. The 600, their family members and friends, and all the people who will learn the truth through the alternative and social media, will be radicalized. And when you are first radicalized you become very angry at the cruelty and lies of the authorities. The mass media with their whorishness towards the state will further this radicalization. (The CBC has been little more than a propaganda outfit for the terrorists. Email them and give them hell. They should at least try to be a bit objective, after all, we are taxpayers too.).

The question naturally arises after this repression. "where should we go from here?" Now I don't claim to have any answers and could be way off base, but there is one thing I do know. The cops may love beating on skinny students and community activists, but they are scared shitless of the organized working class. I have been on big worker demos in both Vancouver and Montreal and the police are like little mice. Initially, it made sense to break off from the trade union marches and directly confront the authorities. Indeed, that tactic was what made Seattle a success. But it has become less successful as the authorities have figured out ways to combat demonstrators. I think Toronto shows such tactics to be almost suicidal.

Maybe we need to exchange minority militant actions for numbers but less militance? Let's face it, 300,000 people marching against the G8-20 would be far more meaningful than 300 fighting the cops. The latter can be written of as a fringe and "criminals", but the great mass of "ordinary folks" are harder to ignore. At the same time, activists from the various organizations could dialogue with the rank and file. There is a lot of latent anger out there and when the so-called recovery fails to materialize and more cut-backs are demanded, it could manifest openly.

For Toronto coverage see http://toronto.mediacoop.ca/

UPDATE

It appears that the arrests totaled 900 - which is about double during the October Crisis in Quebec, 1970! And according to the Civil Liberties Assn. the Black Bloc consisted of about 50 to 100 people. See mollymew.blogspot.com/2010/06/canadian-politics-toronto-amnesty.html

FURTHUR UPDATE – It appears that at least some of the Black Blockers were cops – like in Montebello. see:

http://globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=19928

June 20th - Anniversary of Iranian Islamic Republic's Massacre

Radio International: The common perception is that the Islamic Republic is a result of the 1979 revolution. You have stated, however, that like most revolutions, the 1979 Iranian revolution was ultimately defeated by brutal suppression. Explain this.

Mansoor Hekmat: Any independent observer who examines that history will see that the people rose against a dictatorial Monarchy and its secret police, prisons and torture. (Those who have not experienced that period first hand should seriously review that history.) In that society, there was no freedom of expression, press and organisation. Trade union and Socialist activities were non-existent. There was no freedom of political activity. It was a despotic one-man rule, reliant on the police, army and intelligence service. There was staggering economic inequality, with widespread poverty alongside enormous wealth. People rose against these and for equality and freedom from political suppression and economic exploitation. This is known as the 1979 (1357) revolution.

When it became evident that the Shah's regime was incapable of suppressing this revolutionary movement, the Islamic movement begins to rear its head. This reactionary movement, which belonged to the past and existed in a corner of Iranian society, was against civilisation, social modernisation, women's right and development. One of this movement's personalities, Khomeini, who was in exile in Iraq, was taken to Paris and placed under the spotlight. From then on, Western governments and media widely promoted this Islamic movement as the alternative that could and should replace the Shah's government. Finally, General Robert Huyser, the United States government's Special Envoy went to Iran, spoke with the army and secured their allegiance to Khomeini. A large segment of the traditional and national opposition of the time, such as the National Front, the Tudeh Party, etc. declared their allegiance to the Islamic movement. As a result, the Islamic current was pushed to the forefront of the anti-Monarchy movement. Contrary to the wishes of the Islamic current, the people rose up (known as the uprising of 22 Bahman, 11 February 1979) and eventually defeat the Shah's army in a military confrontation. This process resulted in the formation of a government under the leadership and control of the Islamic current.

The two and a half years during 11 February 1979 (22 Bahman 1357) and 20 June 1981 (30 Khordad 1360) was still not strictly speaking, however, an Islamic rule. It was a period of relative open political activity, which the state was incapable of suppressing on a widespread scale, despite the existence of thugs and Islamicism. At that time, Khalkhali [infamous as the hanging judge] was the regime's executioner but even so, the regime did not have the power to completely suppress and neutralise the increasing people's movement. Political parties were flourishing; books of Marx and Lenin were sold everywhere; Communist organisations published papers; labour councils were established; various women's organisations were formed and the wave of protests continued to escalate, until an Islamic, counter-revolutionary coup d'état took place on 20 June 1981 (30 Khordad 1360). They attacked and executed 300 to 500 people a day in Evin prison and all over the country; they closed down newspapers and crushed the opposition. This was what enabled the Islamic Republic to exist today. The point of the Islamic Republic's establishment was 20 June 1981 (30 Khordad), not 11 February 1979 (22 Bahman). 11 February (22 Bahman) was the people's revolution. During 8 September 1978 (17 Shahrivar 1357, the day that the Shah's army massacred demonstrators at Jaleh Square in Tehran) until 20 June 1981, Right wing forces and governments attempted to obstruct the people's revolution. 20 June 1981 is the eventual juncture that the suppression took place.

The Islamic government's execution list was basically taken from the list of those who had been imprisoned during the Monarchy. A person who had been sentenced to two-month's imprisonment by the Shah's government was executed by the Islamic regime. They attacked and killed the very same people the Shah's regime wanted to but couldn't.

Radio International: The Islamic Republic suppressed the revolution that the Shah's regime failed to do; in fact, it took revenge from the people who had revolted against the Shah. How could it do this? Before 20 June 1981, there were Left-wing newspapers; demonstrations took place and despite arrests and street fighting with thugs, there was freedom. What was it about 20 June (30 Khordad) that established the Islamic government and defeated the revolutionary movement?

Mansoor Hekmat: It was a violent coup d'état that succeeded as a result of widespread executions and murders. It was not like today where they shut down 16 newspapers run by their friends ('insiders') and the accused go to court and are still called Mr so and so. They poured onto the streets and arrested anyone who did not look like a Muslim. If someone had salt and pepper in his/her pockets, they accused him/her of planning to throw it in the eyes of the Revolutionary Guards. They arrested anyone who had recited a poem, who was known to be a Socialist or supporter of women's rights, anyone who was not veiled and anyone who looked Left wing and executed them that same night. Statistics, documents and witnesses proving these atrocities are ample. There will come a day when the people of Iran and the world will observe the trials of those who committed these crimes. On that day, the world will weep for the hundreds of thousands of victims of 20 June (30 Khordad 1360) and after and particularly 1988 (1367).

This was one of the greatest crimes of the 20th Century, comparable to Nazi Germany, the genocide in Indonesia and Rwanda, and much more brutal than what took place in Chile. It is one of the most important catastrophes and human tragedies of the 20th Century. They attacked, suppressed, killed and buried in unmarked graves, innumerable people. They massacred many of the best, the most passionate and progressive people in order to remain in power.

Radio International: The Islamic Republic's leaders who are now in rival factions, namely the Right and 2nd Khordad [also known as the Reformists] factions were at the time responsible for this suppression. To name a few 2nd Khordad personalities, for example, Behzad Nabavi was the government's spokesman, Hajarian was one of the architects of the terrifying intelligence service and Khatami himself was in government at that time. How did they emerge unified after the 20 June (30 Khordad) suppression but are now fighting amongst themselves?

Mansoor Hekmat: Factions were present in the Islamic Republic then, but they were not the same factions we see today. For example, the Mojahedin-e- Enghelab-e- Eslami, the Islamic Republic Party and Khat-e- Imam's (Imam's Line) grouping were at the forefront of the government. The Freedom Movement, which is now part of the 2nd Khordad, was one of the victims of the Khat-e- Imam grouping, which also in part now belong to the 2nd Khordad. At the time, the government was in the hands of the Khat-e- Imam grouping - I mean the cabinet. This phenomenon of 2nd Khordad, which was created later, comprises many who were leaders of the suppression at the time. Many of those who are now students of Voltaire, have become democrats and call themselves journalists, were Revolutionary Guards, interrogators, torturers and were responsible for people's executions. Consequently, 30 Khordad (20 June) is a common experience for both factions. 2nd Khordad are as responsible for the 30 Khordad (20 June) suppression as Lajvardi, Gilani, Khomeini and Khamenei. This was their government. Khomeini, whose name should be recorded in history as a reactionary executioner and criminal against humanity, headed this effort, following by the lot of them.

I think that it is extremely important for the people of Iran to review that history and these people over the past twenty plus years and be aware, in particular, of the nature of the differences between them today.

At the time of 30 Khordad 1360 (20 June 1981), they had no differences on the issue of maintaining the Islamic regime by mass killing and murder. That is what they did. Now, also, they are trying to do the same under different circumstances. They want to maintain the Islamic state vis-à-vis the people.

Radio International: Could it, therefore, be said that the 2nd Khordad regrets its 30 Khordad (20 June) policy and thinks that it should have acted differently?

Mansoor Hekmat: Not at all. The 2nd Khordad personalities will proudly tell you that they are the very same 30th Khordad (20th June) personalities. They do not regret 30 Khordad (20 June). Of course, later on, during their trials they will do so - but not now. Right now, they will not do anything to undermine their 'insider' status. 30 Khordad (20 June) is the ultimate criterion that separates the 'insiders' from everyone else. 'Insiders' are those who defended the 'system' vis-à-vis its opponents. 30 Khordad (20 June) is a most defining moment; it is the Islamic Republic's birth date. Any of them who opposes 30 Khordad (20 June) will be stepping out of the circle of 'insiders.'

Sooner or later - and much sooner than they think - free public trials to investigate their crimes against humanity will begin. They are not the sorts of people who can take their money and go to Los Angeles. Many of them will face people's courts. One of the areas to be dealt with will be 30 Khordad (20 June), what any of them know about that period and their role during it, as well as public exposure to help reduce society's suffering from that period.

Radio International: The Worker-communist Party of Iran has launched a campaign on 30 Khordad 1360 (20 June) to expose its realities and in commemoration of those whose lives were lost. What are the WPI's aims in this campaign?

Mansoor Hekmat: 60-70% of the population does not remember 30 Khordad 1360 (20 June 1981), but it is an important moment in the formation of the Islamic Republic. We want to remind today's generation in Iran and the world that the Islamic Republic, which is in power today, is the result of a massive crime against humanity. This must firstly be remembered, recorded, stated, exposed and not forgotten.

Secondly, these people are still on the scene. The same people who organised the murders and killings of 30 Khordad 1360 (20 June 1981) onwards are still the politicians of this country. They are still members of parliament, they are in the cabinet, and they are leaders and heads of the judiciary, army and Revolutionary Guards. The struggle against them continues. Their criminal charges are still unsettled, including the charges surrounding the crimes of 30 Khordad (20 June). This is one of the arenas of struggle against the Islamic government, its foundations, its personalities from Khomeini, Beheshti to Khatami, Khamenei, Rafsanjani, Gilani and all those who played a role in this process. It is part of our battle against the Islamic Republic.

* The above is a translation of an interview in Persian with Mansoor Hekmat on Radio International. It was first published in Persian in International Haftegi Number 8 dated June 23, 2000 and entitled: 30 Khordad 1360 (June 20, 1981).

Thanks to Abbas Goya Taken from the the Mansoor Hekmat Appreciation Society

Truth And Reconciliation Hoopla and the Canadian Genocide of Aboriginal People

Rewarding the Killers with "Healing and Reconciliation":

The Crime Continues
by Kevin D. Annett

A group of child rapists and serial killers recently issued a public apology to their victims, who responded this past week by gathering in their thousands in Ottawa to proclaim a "Statement of Forgiveness" to their torturers.

Only in Canada.

The fact that the "apologetic" criminal is the government and mainstream churches, and the victims are aboriginal, should make this scenario no less absurd.

What is it with us Canadians, anyway? Are we really the most self-duplicitous nation on earth? Do we actually believe that 50,000 little corpses can vanish that easily, and generations of slaughter somehow erased, with a few lawyer-crafted phrases followed by orchestrated hosannas by clusters of government paid Indian flunkies?

I'm speaking, of course, about the latest fiasco in the horribly embarrassing and shameful thing we like to call the "Truth and Reconciliation" process regarding the Indian residential schools.

You'll be reading and hearing lots about it this week through the controlled corporate press: about how "healing has arrived", as images of smiling and satisfied Indians dance before your white guilt and assuage it, as they are meant to do. You're supposed to feel happy and relieved, for those images are meant for you, the white taxpayer. They are meant to put you to sleep again and make you forget about the blood on your hands.

The church-engineered "Forgiveness Charter" issued at the Parliament Hill rally on June 13 was a new low, even for Christians. Without returning the remains of the children who died at their hands, or facing criminal prosecution or even a subpoena for their torture and killing of the innocent, the Catholic, Anglican and United Church of Canada that ran the residential schools have now been publicly "forgiven" by native people - or the ones on their payroll, at least.

You have to admit it, but they are good, these churches: total masters of deception and guile. Not only do they get away with the mass murder of children, but they come out smelling like roses in the process.

They've been able to do so, of course, only because of the collusion of their aboriginal victims: broken and brainwashed souls, by and large, who have been trained to bark appreciatively at any crumbs tossed to them by their white masters.

There are occasional exceptions, naturally, but native people in Canada generally have yet to escape from the mental and spiritual slavery foisted on them by us: something I've learned the hard way over twenty years of counseling, protesting and fighting alongside them.

Frederick Douglass, the black American who overcame his slavery, said once,

"Make a man a slave and he loses all moral accountability."

For there is no such accountability at any level of the official native world, whose manicured and lobotomized "leaders" have all faithfully accepted the government's fake "apology" and "forgiven" them for a genocide that is continuing.

"Our leaders are our biggest problem" describes a non-enslaved native woman, Carol Martin of the Nishgaa nation, who works in Vancouver's downtown eastside.

"They've never dealt with their own abuse so they're easy to manipulate. Half of them are rapists themselves. Look at this whole apology bullshit.

"Steven Harper's apology to us sounded just like when my ex husband tried making up with me after he raped and beat me. He'd do anything to get back on my good side, so he could do it all over again. Once you forgive a rapist, it's just a green light for them."

The green light was issued again on June 16 at the first of the government's $60 million Truth and Reconciliation Commission" (TRC) hearings in downtown Winnipeg: an orchestrated and heavily censored "forum for residential school survivors".

The "hearing" was anything but that: an enormous hoopla and distraction featuring such establishment redskins as singer Buffy Saint Marie, and "healing tents" run by the child-raping churches themselves, the event gave survivors a few hours each day to "share" their story of torture after attending a mandatory "training course" in how to do so, with the same kind of sensitivity and purpose as when mafia goons help to "instruct" Teamster members on how to vote at union meetings.

Fortunately, a few genuine indigenous people were there to tell the truth and oppose the whitewash.

Chief Peter Yellow Quill of Long Plains Anishinabe Nation in Manitoba led a counter-TRC protest that day that drew national media attention. In the face of screaming opponents and harassment by security guards, Peter stood with a sign outside the TRC proclaiming : "All the Children Need a Proper Burial: Stop the TRC Cover Up."

"They won't let us name names or tell about the children who were killed in this TRC" said Peter to reporters.

"But we won't be gagged anymore, including by our own people. We need our own inquiry to tell the whole story of residential schools to the world. Then maybe the world will take us seriously."

Peter has a good chance of being heard, despite the presence of the TRC, since European politicians have answered the call of our network to investigate Canada and its churches for genocide. But as long as the rapists and serial killers remain in power in Canada, and dictate reality and "healing" to the rest of us, the duplicitous bullshit of the TRC can only continue.

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Kevin Annett is a community minister who lives and works in the downtown eastside of Vancouver. He is a founder of a new, seven-nation coalition called The International Tribunal into Crimes of Church and State. See: www.hiddenfromhistory.org